Showing posts with label public policy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label public policy. Show all posts

Issues for Debate in American Public Policy: Selections from CQ Researcher Review

Issues for Debate in American Public Policy: Selections from CQ Researcher
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Issues for Debate in American Public Policy: Selections from CQ Researcher ReviewThe item described or at least shown in the picture is not the item that is for sale. The picture clearly indicates the 11th edition yet I received the 5th edition. Do not be fooled as these two editions involve completely different issues.Issues for Debate in American Public Policy: Selections from CQ Researcher Overview

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Structuring an Energy Technology Revolution Review

Structuring an Energy Technology Revolution
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Structuring an Energy Technology Revolution ReviewA lot of people are hoping that we can innovate our way into an energy and environmentally-secure future. The question is: How on earth are we going to do this? Experts on science, government and innovation policy, Charles Weiss and William Bonvillian explore the role of government in bringing on this energy innovation in their new book, Structuring An Energy Technology Revolution. (In the interest of full disclosure, I should say that I am acquainted with the second author. On the other hand, maybe I should also say that like thousands of other Americans I can't help but cheer when I see the value of my Exxon stock go up.)
I found Structuring An Energy Technology Revolution to be a great book. Weiss and Bonvillian, lay out a very plausible and detailed roadmap towards the goal of energy independence and environmental health. In their vision, government, industry and universities collaborate to foster new energy technologies. Think DARPA and the IT revolution on B vitamins, if not steroids. One of their most intriguing ideas (out of many) is that of technology neutrality. Here "no single technology has any special claim on support." (Structuring An Energy Technology Revolution, p.14). Instead, if I understand them correctly, technologies at different stages of development receive research or implementation support depending on their technoeconomic merit. The idea is to nurture an energy innovation environment that speeds up the creation and marketing of new energy technologies. Including the downstream costs or "externalities" of all energy products in the equation is a notable way of leveling the playing field.
Establishing an effective innovation system for energy technology is no easy task. It has to supply sufficient alternatives to the old-style use of fossil fuels, be hospitable to private investment, and not be a boondoggle for bureaucrats or vested interests. This will take considerable political will. It is clear that this political discipline has to come from an informed public. To give us the information we need is the mission of this far-seeing work. Structuring An Energy Technology Revolution shows us how our already intertwined government, science and business communities could actually begin to solve these problems. Will they? Will we step up? I highly recommend this book. Beautifully written, the authors' broad grasp and effective presentation of these complexities gives us an almost panoramic view of the subject with the insider's command of details. If you're at all serious about following or shaping our economic, energy and environmental future, this book is necessary reading.
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Who Turned Out the Lights?: Your Guided Tour to the Energy Crisis Review

Who Turned Out the Lights: Your Guided Tour to the Energy Crisis
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Who Turned Out the Lights: Your Guided Tour to the Energy Crisis ReviewThis is a basic introduction to the energy crisis, written in an accessible and humorous style. I was initially concerned that the pop-culture references would be a bit too much (both Homer Simpson and Paris Hilton make appearances on the first page), but in the end I actually enjoyed some of them.
The goal of the book is to present possible solutions to America's energy problems in an unbiased way. The pros and cons of each solution (more nuclear power, increased oil drilling, a tax on carbon emissions, etc.) are explained, and the authors try to avoid making judgements about what's best, leaving it for the reader to make up her own mind.
I do think that they succeed in explaining the issues clearly, though ultimately, I can't really say that I learned very much from this book. I suspect that, like me, many of the people who would be inclined to read something like this are already reasonably well-informed.
Still, I think this is a good introduction to the topic. Perhaps the highest indication of its success is the fact that I'm considering reading the authors' previous book, Where Does the Money Go?, about the federal budget crisis. As a Canadian who just recently moved to the United States, that's something that I really know nothing about--making me fit perfectly into the target audience.
So, in brief, Who Turned Out the Lights? is a good introductory book, very accessible and easy to read, but not necessarily for those who are already familiar with the topic.Who Turned Out the Lights: Your Guided Tour to the Energy Crisis Overview

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The Truth About Obamacare Review

The Truth About Obamacare
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The Truth About Obamacare ReviewBest book out there on what is wrong with ObamaCare and why it has to be repealed. Every politician should read this - every TEA party member, Republican, Conservative, Libertarian,...anyone right of center or fiscally conservative should memorize the data in this book! I have been highlighting and writing notes in the margins on every page just to make certain I remember all the facts that Ms. Pipes lays out.
Easy to read, easy to understand, and above all - easy to retell to those people convinced that government is the answer to every problem. Excellent price too - buy a few, and hand them out.The Truth About Obamacare Overview

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Banished: The New Social Control In Urban America (Studies in Crime and Public Policy) Review

Banished: The New Social Control In Urban America (Studies in Crime and Public Policy)
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Banished: The New Social Control In Urban America (Studies in Crime and Public Policy) ReviewBanished explores geographic restrictions that are placed on people in the city -- often homeless people and people of color. The authors use a variety of sources: records from the police and the courts, archives from the city council, interviews with prosecutors, defenders, and judges, and -- most vividly -- interviews with people who are subject to the restrictions.
The book focuses on Seattle, which uses a number of geographic restrictions. It should interest anyone concerned about poverty, homelessness, criminal justice, and civil liberties.
Very often probation (or a deferred sentence) for a minor offense includes an order to Stay Out of Areas of Prostitution (SOAP) or to Stay Out of Drug Areas (SODA). Hundreds of people are also given trespass admonishments, with orders not to go to one or many parks or not to go to one or many businesses.
Violating these orders subjects a person to arrest, trial, and jail. And yet obeying the orders often isolates the person from his or her community and makes it difficult to get social services, and so most people covered by the orders do not obey them.
The scope of the system is large (and therefore costly). In Seattle, for example, criminal trespass charges led to over 10,000 jail days in 2005. And the city attorney estimated that jailing SODA violators cost the city about $1 million from March 2006 to December 2007.
Thoroughly researched and eye-opening.
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Power Hungry: The Myths of "Green" Energy and the Real Fuels of the Future Review

Power Hungry: The Myths of Green Energy and the Real Fuels of the Future
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Power Hungry: The Myths of "Green" Energy and the Real Fuels of the Future ReviewWith Power Hungry, energy journalist and Austin apiarist Robert Bryce marshals lots of accurate numbers in context to make plain how modern culture exacts power from energy to save time, increase wealth, and raise standards of living. He also dispenses common sense to citizens and policy makers for an improved environment, a better, more productive economy, and more enlightened civil society. Inspired by the environmental economics of Rockefeller University's Jesse Ausubel and the University of Manitoba's prolific Vaclav Smil, he makes the case for continuing down the path of de-carbonizing our machine fuels--a process begun two hundred years ago when we turned from wood to fossil fuels and huge reservoirs of impounded water. As the world's population continues to urbanize, people will inevitably demand cleaner, healthier, environmentally sensitive energy choices.
Today, the world uses hydrocarbons for 90 percent of its energy, getting a lot of bang for its buck. Bryce offers convincing evidence that, over the next several generations, particularly since broad energy transformations require much time and financial investment, relatively cleaner burning natural gas will provide a bridge to pervasive use of nuclear power--" the only always-on, no-carbon source than can replace significant amounts of coal in our electricity generation portfolio." And if nuclear ultimately becomes the centerpiece for the electricity sector, which constitutes about 40 percent of our total energy use, this development would accelerate the de-carbonization of the transportation and heating sectors as well.
His narrative transcends the current climate change debate. He thinks the evidence on either side is equivocal, at best provisional, and, even if it could be proven conclusively that humans were responsible for precipitously warming the earth by producing a surfeit of carbon dioxide, there is little that could be done about the situation now that would be consequential or practical, except embrace imaginative adaptation approaches.
Bryce organizes his ideas around four interrelated "Imperatives" that serve as a prime motif for human history and explain much contemporary circumstance: power density, energy density, scale and cost. He shows that, although energy is the ability to do work, what people really crave is the ability to control the rate at which work gets done--power. Performing work faster means more time to do something else. This begets an appetitive feedback loop, where more power unleashes more time to produce more power. As the scale of this process increases, costs are reduced, making what power creates more affordable.
In terms of economic efficiency and improved ecosystems, producing the most power in the smallest space at a scale affordable by all is what present and future enterprise should ensure.
The power density of fossil fuels, expressed in watts, BTUs, or horsepower, has been the lynchpin of our modernity, although they will eventually become depleted, perhaps over a few centuries or much sooner, as various peak oil and coal scenarios suggest. (Bryce shows that worldwide oil's marketshare has fallen over the last 35 years and the rate of decline will likely continue.) And they do have negative environmental consequences. Particularly coal, with such environmentally treacherous extraction techniques as strip mining/mountaintop removal, and toxic emissions. But their overall benefits at present outweigh the negatives in a comprehensive cost benefit analysis. Which is why they're so popular.
Hydrocarbons lift people out of poverty, literally empowering them to better health, wealth, and productivity. "The key attribute of hydrocarbons is their reliability," a precondition for coordinated economic and social convergence, which is the very hallmark of modern life. Planning to replace their capacity successfully will demand great ingenuity and the most advanced technology--not hyped-up premodern gadgetry like industrial wind technology.
Over the first seven chapters of his book, Bryce lays out the gargantuan scale of our energy consumption, bound on the one side by the existence of nearly seven billion people and the thirst for increasingly denser power supplies on the other. He shows why, if oil didn't exist, we'd have to invent it. Deploying helpful charts and graphs throughout, he demonstrates that we will not, indeed cannot, quit using hydrocarbons any time soon, since our daily consumption is equivalent to 226 million barrels of oil, equal to the total daily output of twenty-seven Saudi Arabias.
The world consumes nearly 7 billion horsepower a day, albeit unevenly, since Americans consume energy at 18 times the rate of people in Pakistan and India. America leads the world in reliable horsepower and produces about 74 percent of the primary energy it consumes. Moreover, it has more hydrocarbon reserves than any other nation. Yet, despite all this power, the United States leads the world in energy efficiency and per capital carbon emission reductions over the last fifteen years.
So why are so many willing to trade the high power density of coal, natural gas, and oil for such unreliable, low-power-density sources as wind and solar? Part II, The Myths of Green Energy, attempts to answer this question. Bryce looks closely at the claims for wind especially and debunks them all as mainly the result of snake oil, a too-gullible public suffused in scientific illiteracy, "happy talk" from media (viz, Thomas Friedman), and self serving bombast from industry pundits like T. Boone Pickens. Thinking that wind technology, for example, could put a dent in the use of fossil fuels as an "alternate" energy source is just plain goofy, akin to believing that a book of matches could melt a glacier. Believing that corn and cellulosic ethanol are friends of the environment and consumers is downright Orwellian. In truth, they reduce efficiency and performance while damaging machine engines, and raise the cost of food by shrinking food supply while depleting millions of acres of soil and siphoning off a sea of water. For shame.
Bryce reinforces the theme of his previous book, Gusher of Lies. The energy business is so vast and intricately global that it dooms any nation's quest for energy independence. Those who think more hybrid cars, wind machines, and solar cells will free the United States from its dependence on imports will be shocked to discover that those technologies hinge on rare earth elements obtainable almost exclusively in China. Which fact largely explains why the Chinese are rapidly becoming a dominant manufacturer and exporter of "green" technologies.
Bryce relishes challenging flimflam. Power Hungry demolishes the notion that oil is dirty; that carbon capture/sequestration schemes can be globally effective; that cap-and-trade/taxation/renewable energy credit ideas for reducing carbon dioxide emissions can do anything but worsen the situation, at the expense of tax and ratepayers; that plug-in electric cars will soon revolutionize the transportation sector; and that efficiency, desirable as it is as a means of conservation, can change the world.
Bryce's conclusions about better policy follow the logic of Sherlock Holmes: "When you have eliminated all which is impossible, then whatever remains, however improbable, must be the truth." By eliminating the imposters and exposing the disingenuous, he is then able to engage in rational discourse about the genuinely probable technologies that will in future slake our ginormous craving for power.
He states the problem in a way that suggests solutions. If society seeks cleaner air and water, if consumers seek cheaper energy, if environmentalists seek open vistas and large swaths of untrammeled nature, if politicians seek a significant reduction of greenhouse gasses while maintaining, even expanding, the power requirements of modernity--then the future of energy conversion for electricity must hinge on increased use of natural gas in the near term while the world prepares for nuclear power over the long haul. Given the magnitude of the situation, anything else is hope. And prayer.
Recounting the sorry recent history of natural gas supply, Bryce explains how pandering politics and the coal industry combined to reduce its availability, making the public think the resource had been exhausted, However, new discoveries of extensive shale deposits in the United States, along with improvements in extraction technologies, now make natural gas much more available. That it burns 50 percent cleaner than coal, emits no toxic particulates, and is so versatile, make it the ideal transitional fossil fuel for the next generation or so. As more supplies become available, costs will continue to drop, making natural gas more appealing to consumers. To protect against damaging the ground water and pollutant leakage through gas lines, the industry would have to be carefully regulated, particularly in remote areas during the extraction process.
Still, as good as they are, carbon-based fuels, even those as beneficial as oil and natural gas, continue to put us at odds with our potential for informed stewardship of the planet. Our best scientists tell us we must do better in achieving goals of sustainable biodiversity and healthier ecosystems. To do so, we should sooner than later move beyond sloganeering and heavy reliance on fossil fuels.
As Bryce says, "nuclear goes beyond green." It provides two million times the power density of fossil fuels and can be contained in a small area, preserving the countryside. Concerns about its safety because of exaggerated news accounts of the damage inflicted by the Three Mile Island/Chernobyl accidents, along with the dramaturgy wrought by...Read more›Power Hungry: The Myths of "Green" Energy and the Real Fuels of the Future Overview

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One Nation Under Contract: The Outsourcing of American Power and the Future of Foreign Policy Review

One Nation Under Contract: The Outsourcing of American Power and the Future of Foreign Policy
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One Nation Under Contract: The Outsourcing of American Power and the Future of Foreign Policy Review"The American homeland is the planet." - 9/11 Commission Report
Very rarely do I read a "policy wonkish" book in which I so clearly agree with the diagnosed problem, but feel like the solutions offered leave me completely at sea.
Allison Stanger's One Nation Under Contract: The Outsourcing of American Power and the Future of Foreign Policy is such a book.
Stanger is no slouch. She is Middlebury College's Russell Leng `60 Professor of International Politics and Economics, and directs the college's Rohatyn Center for International Affairs. Her clear, concise, and thoughtful new book is "blurbed" by some high-powered people, including USMC General Anthony Zinni (who calls Stanger's analysis "a superb work on government outsourcing and contracting"); Canadian Liberal Party leader Michael Ignatieff ("a clarion call to bring the business of government under more effective public control"); and Harvard University professor Joseph Nye ("well-reasoned").
But her book's conclusions left me scratching my head.
Stanger sets out to answer a big and crucially important question: In an age in which governments around the world have "outsourced" nearly everything to private for-profit corporations, how do citizens reestablish effective oversight over private-public partnerships? This outsourcing problem is so vast and extensive that even the Establishment New York Times, an overexuberant cheerleader for U.S. foreign policy if ever there was one, referred to contractors as a "fourth branch of government" in 2007, a sign of just how troublesome things have become.
Stanger's extended case-study is the United States, a "republic-turned-Empire" (to her credit, Stanger is willing to entertain the use of the term "empire" to describe U.S. activities abroad) of 300 million citizens that has emerged over the past several decades as the richest, most powerful, most influential nation in the world, with as many as 1,000 military bases networked across more than 130 countries across the planet, 10,000 nuclear warheads, and an annual "defense" budget (read: "war-making") larger than the next twenty countries combined.
Her conclusions?
What once was considered public oversight (the domain of Congress, the State Department, and other somewhat-publicly-accountable government organizations) for maintaining this emerging global "Empire of Bases" is increasingly being governed by the dictates of private for-profit corporate interests. In her book, Stanger examines what she calls "the evolution of military outsourcing," including the privatization of U.S. matters diplomatic (which she rightly traces to the 1947 Congressional passage of the National Security Act), a process that has emerged in full dysfunctional flower with the 2001 creation of the so-called Department of Homeland Security, as well as the "slow death" of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).
Stanger is at her best when chronicling the waste, fraud, and abuse that has accompanied ongoing outsourcing. The U.S. government's six year invasion and occupation of Iraq is the most recent reminder of just how nasty things can get: more than 1 million Iraqi lives lost, billions of dollars "disappeared," U.S. tax-supported private corporate armies waging a mercenary war against entire Mesopotamian cities (Fallujah, anyone?) while U.S. diplomats hole up inside the so-called "Green Zone," home to the new U.S. embassy in downtown Baghdad: the largest, most extensive, and most expensive embassy compound the world has ever seen.
And Iraq is just the tip of the "outsourcing" iceberg.
While I appreciated her diagnosis of the "outsourcing" problem, I have two big issues with Stanger's book.
The first is her continual acceptance (not unusual for a U.S. scholar/policy wonk) of the U.S. government's officially stated "party line" on all matters diplomatic. When she asserts, for example, that the U.S.'s primary interest in invading and occupying Iraq was to help bring "democracy" to the Middle East, I found myself scrawling the word "nonsense" in the book's margin. Her unwillingness to push beyond presidential rhetorical rationales for U.S. actions abroad - Oil? Support for Israel? Profit for "Defense" Corps like Halliburton and KBR? - deeply undercuts the credibility of her argument.
Second, and more troubling, are her "solutions," packed into the last few pages of the book, which seem utopian to the extreme, even for this idealist. She speaks of "cultivating an emerging market for virtue" built on the "creativity of free individuals"; of "radical transparency in all government financial transactions" (and oddly, points to Wall-Street-Bankster-Backscratcher President Obama as a model here); of "loosening the grip of special interests on American politics" (yawn); and more to the point, of "restricting the use of no-bid contracts" and "demilitarizing U.S. foreign policy," both wonderful ideas that any D.C. insider will be the first to tell you will never happen.
In short, to this decentralist reader, Stanger's book is right in its diagnosis of what ails the United States, but wrong on the cure. Only a radical devolution of political and economic power away from the center (Washington, D.C. and Wall Street) and towards the periphery (Main Street and individual states, with Vermont leading the way, perhaps) will be able to stanch the "outsourcing" and the complete collapse of this once-great constitutional republic at the hands of those wringing a profit from its ruin.
To explore that phenomenon, however, Ms. Stanger may have to write another book.One Nation Under Contract: The Outsourcing of American Power and the Future of Foreign Policy Overview

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Environmental Health and Racial Equity in the United States: Building Environmentally Just, Sustainable, and Livable Communities Review

Environmental Health and Racial Equity in the United States: Building Environmentally Just, Sustainable, and Livable Communities
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Environmental Health and Racial Equity in the United States: Building Environmentally Just, Sustainable, and Livable Communities ReviewThis latest joint publication by several key scholar in the field of environmental justice, Robert D. Bullard, Glenn S Johnson and Angel Torres, is a welcome addition to the growing literature on the intersections of racial, social, and environmental justice movements. These three scholars bring together a wealth of on the ground social movement analysis and insight, as well as providing an excellent survey of current developments and debates within environmental justice circles.
One such example is the role of youth leaders at the 2002 Summit II (National People of Color Environmental Leadership Summit), where young people were instrumental in pushing for more youth leadership and recognition as movement leaders. Chapter 5 on University Based Programs is particularly relevant for anyone working in or teaching in higher education, as it offers some important insights into changes, advances and developments in resources and centers dedicated to environmental justice work.
This book, coupled with Sze's Noxious New York: The Racial Politics of Urban Health and Environmental Justice (Urban and Industrial Environments), Bullard's Race, Place, and Environmental Justice After Hurricane Katrina: Struggles to Reclaim, Rebuild, and Revitalize New Orleans and the Gulf Coast, Johnson's "Environmental Justice Reader: Addressing the History, Issues, Policy & Change" and Torres' "Sprawl City: Race, Politics, and Planning in Atlanta" would make for a powerful environmental justice curriculum in the classroom.
If you're looking for a beginner's book for environmental justice some of these might not be the best choice--but the Johnson edition would be recommended. Cole and Foster's "From the Ground Up: Environmental Racism and the Rise of the Environmental Justice Movement", or Schlosberg's Defining Environmental Justice: Theories, Movements, and Nature or Adamson, Evans, Stein's "The Environmental Justice Reader: Politics, Poetics, and Pedagogy" might be good choices to explore.
If you don't believe that environmental issues, structural racism, white privilege, capitalism and gender hierarchy (to name just a few areas) are all interconnected problems, you might find the approach taken here challenging, but that's the point. Anyone who argues that race, class and gender can be solved by free-market liberalism and the philosophical and political logic of individualism and hard work will probably find a lot to disagree with in this book, as a key premise is that economic and racial inequality are structural problems--ie: intentionally created and reproduce by the dominant culture in order to maintain a certain status quo: white, male, heterosexual, Anglo, Christian, capitalist, imperialist/nationalist. However, even if you disagree politically with the authors, the problems are still real and must be addressed. This book offers a useful approach for moving us closer to doing just that.
As to suggestions that this book is "socialist propaganda" and that Shelby Steele, Thomas Sowell, or Walter Williams would be better resources for understanding environmental justice and race issues, it is worth restating--as Bullard, Johnson, Torres do, that racism and discrimination are structural elements of the American way of life, and cannot be "undone" by telling people to work harder or by making token adjustments to the current American way of life or market economy. Anyone who argues you can have environmental justice without social justice, as this book helps make clear, either fail to understand structural racism, white privilege and class politics, or they benefit from maintaining a discriminatory status quo. As the authors write:
"It was not difficult for people of color to view environmental and health issues through a racial lens, since many of their communities were systematically targeted for some of the nation's worst polluting facilities. Environmental inequality was seen as socially produced and an extension of White racism...At the outset of the [Environmental Justice] movement, many White allies in the mainstream environmental movement were reluctant to use the term "environmental racism." Some of the groups were even hostile to the idea" (pg. 51-2).
And yes, as this always comes up in response, even people of color can be co-opted into maintaining and advocating for white power and privilege, especially under the guise of conservative politics and individual liberties--as Dr. Williams and Shelby Steele's politics make painfully clear. The only thing "social" about this book is its emphasis on marginalized communities and how environmental injustice operates in our society. We need to remember advocating against inequality is neither socialist nor propaganda--but conservative pundits arguing that it is certainly fits the definition of propaganda!Environmental Health and Racial Equity in the United States: Building Environmentally Just, Sustainable, and Livable Communities Overview

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The Prison Library Primer: A Program for the Twenty-First Century Review

The Prison Library Primer: A Program for the Twenty-First Century
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The Prison Library Primer: A Program for the Twenty-First Century ReviewBrenda Vogel has written a book that is a true cri de coeur for a change in direction for prison library services. She calls for a return to compassion and human development rather than punishment and repression. Now is the time for librarian associations like the American Library Association to take action and lobby for Internet connected prisons and jails.
Ms. Vogel is deeply knowledgeable and intense in her commitment to human rights. I teach a course on Librarians and Human Rights. This book will be required reading.
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The Politics of Imprisonment: How the Democratic Process Shapes the Way America Punishes Offenders (Studies in Crime and Public Policy) Review

The Politics of Imprisonment: How the Democratic Process Shapes the Way America Punishes Offenders (Studies in Crime and Public Policy)
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The Politics of Imprisonment: How the Democratic Process Shapes the Way America Punishes Offenders (Studies in Crime and Public Policy) ReviewGreat book! Very eye-opening to read and learn about prison policies and their origins. I will keep this book to add to my personal collection.The Politics of Imprisonment: How the Democratic Process Shapes the Way America Punishes Offenders (Studies in Crime and Public Policy) Overview

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The Transition Timeline: For a Local, Resilient Future Review

The Transition Timeline: For a Local, Resilient Future
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The Transition Timeline: For a Local, Resilient Future ReviewI had extremely high hopes when I ordered this book and I was quite disappointed. I expected something in the way of suggestions for a community blueprint, even a rough draft, of how my city and county could organize to face post-peak oil and climate change. Something like: Do "A" first because that's the most important, while you plan "B" and scout "C." Instead, I was told that nearly everything will have to change, yesterday, and that I should get my community together to figure it out for ourselves. (There are some suggestions for games and role playing and visioning exercises for one's group to use in the process, which is something, I suppose.)
While author Shawn Chamberlin talks about timelines and projections of declining fuel availability, predictions of temperature rise, the dire consequences of failure to change ... and more -- with excellent graphs and lots of pertinent quotes -- what he does not provide is a transition timeline for a local, resilient future.
That said, if you haven't been paying attention to the issues of global climate change and diminished availability of liquid fuels [where HAVE you been?] you can learn a lot from this volume. Some of Chamberlin's examples are extremely apt: for instance, if you want to get a sense of how much energy you are harnessing when you drive your car ... get out and push it. Technological humans utilize the equivalent of thousands of energy slaves each year and the future world is going to have to run without them.
Chamberlin cites research which indicates that bio-fuels cannot possibly fill the gap (and are already affecting food prices); that solar and wind cannot come online fast enough to pick up the slack; that (fortunately) tapping marginal dirty sources like tar sands are so energy- and water-intensive that they will not be used in vast quantities (and cannot, in any case, be ramped up fast enough to replace sweet crude); that we are, in short, in a hell of a pickle.
Then to cheer us up a bit he notes that the IPCC estimates on warming are extremely conservative and have already been proved wrong as the planet heats up and the arctic melts faster than predicted. To top that off, the IPCC only looks at warming through 2100 and even if we hit their best case goals, the folks in the next century will be in extremely dire trouble. Moreover, even the politicians that "get it" aren't doing much and surely not enough. But, three generations' delay is better than none, and I couldn't agree more with his concluding note: In a situation this perilous I have no choice but to give it my all. Doing less than my best for this planet and its life forms is simply not an ethical option.The Transition Timeline: For a Local, Resilient Future Overview

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The Climate Fix: What Scientists and Politicians Won't Tell You About Global Warming Review

The Climate Fix: What Scientists and Politicians Won't Tell You About Global Warming
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The Climate Fix: What Scientists and Politicians Won't Tell You About Global Warming Review(This reviews the pre-release version.)
After a tumultuous year in climate policy - from Climategate to the failure of the Copenhagen talks and the probable death of cap-and-trade - Pielke's book offers the most thoughtful approach to climate policy, taking honest stock of both the current state of science and politics. It is excellent for those who are familiar with the debate as well as those new to the issue.
Pielke is one of the few experts willing to critique those he agrees with, and he spends a fair amount of time highlighting the politicization of climate science by both sides. While arguing that climate change presents real risks, he is effective at noting the unscientific excesses of advocates of aggressive climate policy. Several anecdotes tell the story of how noted scientists used their credentials to make claims they admit are unscientific. These exaggerations, Pielke argues, have increased public skepticism about the science, making it more difficult to come to policy agreement.
The book does an excellent job explaining the basics of climate science, offering some good guidelines for what is known and where the scientific uncertainty lies. It is one of the few books I've read recently that offers both clear explanations and the complexity involved in understanding climate science. Most effective is the way he uses this solid scientific foundation to characterize the size and nature of the challenge of reducing carbon emissions. Perhaps the best insight, however, is that while many who debate climate policy focus on debating the details of climate science, Pielke argues an effective policy approach can be found even without certainty regarding the exact nature of the risks from climate change.
Finally, he argues for a technology-centered approach to decarbonizing. He also keeps in mind something that sometimes gets lost in the traditional climate debate -- the dignity of humans that obliges us to respect individual choice and help those in poverty improve their lives. Although I am not as confident that political leaders can determine how to effectively or fairly invest in technology solutions as Pielke, this is a narrow area of debate. For those trying to understand what is next for climate policy, "The Climate Fix" is simply a must read.
The Climate Fix: What Scientists and Politicians Won't Tell You About Global Warming Overview

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Community Resources for Older Adults: Programs and Services in an Era of Change Review

Community Resources for Older Adults: Programs and Services in an Era of Change
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Community Resources for Older Adults: Programs and Services in an Era of Change ReviewSpan of information along the continuum of policies and services important for older adults is well organized and interesting. Useful as a textbook for a graduate course in Gerontology that I am teaching.Community Resources for Older Adults: Programs and Services in an Era of Change Overview

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The Great Risk Shift: The New Economic Insecurity and the Decline of the American Dream Review

The Great Risk Shift: The New Economic Insecurity and the Decline of the American Dream
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The Great Risk Shift: The New Economic Insecurity and the Decline of the American Dream ReviewIn his ethnography (PDF) of Grover Norquist's weekly breakfast meetings, Thomas Medved tells us how Newt Gingrich sold reluctant conservatives attending the meeting on Medicare reform.
The debate up to this point functioned largely as a prologue for the day's special guest, former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich. Here to mediate between the fiscal conservatives who disliked the bill and the free-market conservatives who saw in it the seeds of health care privatization, Gingrich spoke out in favor of the Medicare reform act. His primary message to the group was that they must start "thinking like a majority" by accepting the logic of incremental progress. That's how the welfare state was built, he said, and that is how it must be dismantled. Citing his own efforts to "stop Hillary-care" and promote the Contract With America as examples of incremental progress, Gingrich said Medicare reform is a step toward a more conservative country because it "moves you toward choice." Gingrich saw other benefits in the legislation as well. He cited in particular a major "shift in plate tectonics" now that the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP), the largest voluntary organization in America, was on the Republican side of an issue and against the Democrats. And there was yet another hidden advantage: Gingrich predicted that the bill's passage would "break up the collectivist language" of union members because when employers adopt the strategy of giving Health Savings Accounts to their non-union employees, the unions would start fighting for them. In general, Gingrich said, we can "migrate Medicare" rather than destroy it by creating choices that baby boomers will take advantage of.
"Creating choices" is an interestingly ambiguous term. As discussed in Jacob Hacker's book, people who have signed up to Health Savings Accounts (which were around before the Medicare legislation) seem to be much less happy than those who have traditional coverage; they presumably wouldn't `choose' them if there were better options on the table. Nonetheless, the number of Health Savings Accounts is growing. Over a quarter of large employers said that they would offer them in 2006, and larger employers such as Walmart are increasingly trying to move away from traditional plans to HSAs, which discourage workers with health problems from staying with the firm, and hence save them money. The choice offered here is to accept a worse deal from your employer, or quit and hope that you'll somehow find something better somewhere else. Not much of a choice. Yet nonetheless, when the mantra of `choice' is invoked by the right, it often refers exactly to choices of this kind. There's something weird going on.
Jacob Hacker wants to unravel this weirdness. He's a political scientist - his major empirical contribution in the last few years has been to describe the mechanisms through which Gingrich and others have deliberately sought to undermine welfare state institutions, inch by inch. In writing about this, Hacker has enlarged our understanding of how institutional change takes place. But this book isn't an exercise in descriptive social science. It does help explain how the right's renewed emphasis on `personal responsibility' is less an exercise in increasing choice, and more a means of transferring risk away from large collective actors (such as governments or firms) to individuals, who typically have far fewer resources to deal with disaster when it happens. But Hacker is trying to change the political debate, to push back against current ways of framing these issues, and in so doing, to redefine the intellectual terrain. This is why the book was attacked so vigorously (and incoherently) before it was published, by people like Brink Lindsay and Glenn Reynolds . If Hacker's framing of politics succeeds in taking hold, it will make it much more difficult to chisel away the foundations of the American welfare state than it has been in the past, and correspondingly make it easier to expand welfare state principles to new areas.
Hacker's account is twofold. First, he looks at the various ways in which risk has increased over the last few decades. Jobs: Hacker discusses how expectations of stable employment have nearly disappeared, how part time and temporary work have increased, and so on. He argues, as others have argued, that `flexible' jobs don't necessarily increase choice for employees, because these work arrangements are typically set up "for the convenience of employers, not workers." Part time work may in principle be a boon for mothers with young children - but not when the firm changes your schedule according to its week-to-week needs, and fires you if you can't make it in. Families: having a family increases your risk of going bankrupt, and involves massive, and increasingly risky investments in housing and education. Old age: as defined benefit pension plans become vanishingly rare, individuals take on more and more risk through defined contribution plans, which will do well if the stock market does well, and do badly if it doesn't. Health: health care has become ever more expensive, posing greater risk both to the uninsured and the insured (and people move back and forth between these groups far more often than most people realize).
At least some of this increase in risk is secular - it's hard to trace it back to specific decisions made by particular people or groups. But what isn't hard to trace back are the decisions made by policy makers to exacerbate these risks by aiding and abetting the transfer of risks to individuals rather than countering it. This is the second prong of Hacker's argument. We know that policy makers could have done differently - they have done differently in other countries. But in the US, thanks to Gingrich and others like him, government has sought to increase individuals' exposure to risk rather than to decrease it, typically under the mantra of increasing `choice' or `freedom.' Thus, for example, the abovementioned individual Health Savings Accounts. Thus too, the effort to tear down Social Security, and replace it with a system of `private' or `personalized' (depending on which buzzword works better with focus groups) accounts, regardless of the enormous switchover costs. Instead of trying to mitigate risk, government under conservatives has sought to pile ever more risk on individuals, even if the fiscal consequences are horrendous.
Hacker argues that not only are these policies ideologically loaded - they transfer risk from corporations to the middle and working classes - but they don't make any sense in their own terms. High degrees of personal risk are a hindrance rather than a spur to beneficial economic activity. If people perceive that their jobs are risky, they're likely to underinvest in specialized training (here, there is a well established literature in political economy which suggests that an extensive welfare state goes hand-in-hand with the development of specialized skills). Personal investments in education are less attractive if the rewards from education are highly uncertain. In the book's conclusion, Hacker briefly describes a variety of policies that might help mitigate personal risks, including his own proposal for Medicare Plus.
Despite this short discussion of policy options, The Great Risk Shift isn't really a book that is aimed at the professionals who write about health care, pensions etc, or at scholars, although it relies extensively on findings by both policy wonks and academics. It isn't intended to contribute to specific policy debates, but to transform very broad public arguments. To my eyes at least, it seems very clearly intended to claw back territory from what Hacker describes as the Personal Responsibility Crusade by making policy makers deal with the problems of risk, and by making ordinary people realize that the economic risks that they face haven't descended from the skies. In large part, those risks are the result of conscious, deliberate choices made by conservative policy makers (and sometimes by centrist Democrats) both indirectly to help pave the way for the transfer of risk to individuals, and not to intervene when government could play an important role in mitigating risk.
Which is all to say that this book is going to succeed or fail to the extent that it changes wider public debates. As an unreconstructed social democrat, I wholeheartedly hope that it succeeds; while there are bits of Hacker's argument (such as his explicit discounting of the issue of economic inequality) that I disagree with, on the whole, I think that this is a highly valuable, and indeed potentially explosive book. This is a good, smart, polemical book. It deserves a wide readership, so that next time a Newtoid starts talking about this or that appalling piece of legislation `increasing choice' or `personal responsibility,' he or she will be called on it. Even if George Lakoff and others' arguments about political framing are rather reductive, political debate is shaped profoundly by the language that it is conducted in and the concepts that it invokes. This is a fiercely and tightly argued effort to change those concepts. I hope it succeeds.The Great Risk Shift: The New Economic Insecurity and the Decline of the American Dream Overview

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