Showing posts with label china. Show all posts
Showing posts with label china. Show all posts

The Next American Century: How the U.S. Can Thrive as Other Powers Rise Review

The Next American Century: How the U.S. Can Thrive as Other Powers Rise
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The Next American Century: How the U.S. Can Thrive as Other Powers Rise ReviewIn 'The Next American Century,' Nina Hachigian and Mona Sutphen build a compelling case for embracing, rather than fearing, the rise of what they term 'Pivotal' powers: China, Russia, the EU, Japan and India. As they point out, the major threats to US lives - terrorism, pandemics, loose nukes, global warming - cannot be contained without the coordination, rather than subordination, of these major powers.
Though broadly, and at the moment, unusually, optimistic about these states and our potential in future dealings with them, the Next American Century devotes early chapters to the distinct trajectories, roles and weaknesses of each pivotal power, including the US - a thorough, compelling survey for anyone trying to handicap the prospects of major world players today. Hachigian and Sutphen conclude with recommendations for US politicians and citizens - for the former, much more global engagement and a diplomacy that capitalizes more on the distinct and diverse characteristics, as well as the rapid ascent, of these ancient and Leviathan cultures; for the rest of us, travel more and don't let another generation of American school children enter the world speaking only English.The Next American Century: How the U.S. Can Thrive as Other Powers Rise Overview

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None Dare Call It Conspiracy Review

None Dare Call It Conspiracy
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None Dare Call It Conspiracy ReviewGary Allen and Larry Abraham, None Dare Call It Conspiracy, rev. ed. (Buccaneer Books, 1986)
It has been my experience for the past half-decade or so that when I want to read good horror, I don't go to the horror section of the bookstore. I go to the non-fiction section. There is a short but powerful list of nonfiction books that are guaranteed to put a good scare into you, and I seem to have stumbled across the majority of them. Stanton Peele's The Diseasing of America. Robert Weinberg's One Renegade Cell. Glenn Gaesser's Big Fat Lies. Add to the list Allen and Abraham's None Dare Call It Conspiracy.
Allen and Abraham here attempt to make the case that the events of recent world history, from the Bolshevik Revolution forward, have been brought into being and controlled by a relatively small group of insiders, mostly international banking magnates and (later on) the Council on Foreign Relations. While it's certainly conspiracy theory, Allen and Abraham have done a fine job of backing up their assertions with a huge amount of primary and secondary source material (just looking up the titles in the bibliography took me the better part of two hours). Whether you're a fan of conspiracy theory or not, the facts presented, and the conclusions drawn, in this book, are thought-provoking and outrageous.
I defy any reader of this slim volume, conservative, liberal, neocon, free-thinker, what have you-- not to be incensed by it. Even if you only believe a fraction of what Allen and Abraham put forth in this book, it cannot but make you want to do something to stem the tide. And there is certainly a tide; the book, originally written during the Nixon administration, can be looked at now with three decades of hindsight. There's no denying that much of what Allen and Abraham forecast for America's future has either come to pass or is in front of the Cabinet as we speak. (Michael Badnarik dissects the final chapter of this book, and points out a number of ways these predictions have already happened, in his book odd to Be King). Whether you believe that there really is a conspiracy afoot (and, really, "follow the money" does work here) or whether you believe it's all the result of incompetence, stupidity, and lack of communication, there's no denying it's happening. All you have to do is step outside and look around.
Terrifying. A must-read. Do whatever you need to do to hunt a copy down. The first book guaranteed to make my Best Reads of 2005 list. **** ½None Dare Call It Conspiracy Overview

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Advantage: How American Innovation Can Overcome the Asian Challenge Review

Advantage: How American Innovation Can Overcome the Asian Challenge
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Advantage: How American Innovation Can Overcome the Asian Challenge ReviewSegal presents a thoroughly researched, exceptionally well-written account of the issues confronting India and China as they continue to attempt to develop the capacity for technological innovation. It is at once a cautionary tale of how far they have come; an optimistic view of the strengths of the American culture of innovation and market exploitation, and a realistic challenge to American corporate and political systems to embrace an open global technological marketplace with the confidence that will be required to take maximal advantage of this marketplace. Emphasizing the culture of cooperation and competition in the U.S.; the transparent and consistent U.S. legal structure; and the proven ability of American business to transform innovation into marketplace successes, he clearly defines what will be required in the coming years to maintain the leading economic and technological status America currently enjoys. A fantastic book.Advantage: How American Innovation Can Overcome the Asian Challenge Overview

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Japan's Open Future: An Agenda for Global Citizenship (Anthem Studies in Development and Globalization) Review

Japan's Open Future: An Agenda for Global Citizenship (Anthem Studies in Development and Globalization)
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Japan's Open Future: An Agenda for Global Citizenship (Anthem Studies in Development and Globalization) ReviewAs someone who has been traveling to Japan on business for more than 10 years, you get a chance to see many of the challenges that are mentioned in this book firsthand. As an American, I know that my country has had its time in the limelight and that countries such as China, India and Russia will be filling the void as America declines further. As it looks today, without the support of a declining USA, Japan will struggle to compete and grow with its Asian neighbors. This excellent book highlights many of the ways that Japan can jump-start itself and change the way that the outside world views it, as well as helping its citizens better cope with a changing world order. This should be required reading for anyone doing business in Japan or for anyone who aspires to a career in international business.Japan's Open Future: An Agenda for Global Citizenship (Anthem Studies in Development and Globalization) Overview

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Corruption in International Business (Corporate Social Responsibility) Review

Corruption in International Business (Corporate Social Responsibility)
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Corruption in International Business (Corporate Social Responsibility) ReviewThis book is designed to fill a gap in the education of business students and to serve those who will be engaged in international business. While graduate business studies cover international trade and marketing and ethics and corporate social responsibility, few programs put all of these together. This book is meant to help prepare students and professionals about "real world" corruption and professional misconduct that occurs in many, if not most, countries in the world. As well as academic discussion about quantifying corruption, this book includes case studies of countries' battles to control corruption in both the public and private sectors.
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The Price of a Bargain: The Quest for Cheap and the Death of Globalization Review

The Price of a Bargain: The Quest for Cheap and the Death of Globalization
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The Price of a Bargain: The Quest for Cheap and the Death of Globalization ReviewThe Price of a Bargain goes deep into a subject many people probably don't think anything about. Most people probably think that a bargain is always a good thing, but as Laird points out with great detail and well researched reporting, a bargain may not always be good for everyone. The rise of globalization, big box stores like Wal-Mart and Home Depot, and the interdependence of the global supply-chain have all made the world very unstable. All of these recent developments depend on cheap energy supplies to fuel the container ships that drive the globalized delivery system. They also rely on a huge supply of cheap labor. With the rise of oil prices around the world and the rising wages of Chinese workers, both of these defining assumptions are coming to an end and the implications for a consumer driven world may be catastrophic.
Laird's approach is sometimes long-winded, but he focuses on the true price of a bargain by coming at the issue from many different angles. In the end, The Price of a Bargain makes a convincing case that in today's economy, we are not actually paying the true cost of what we buy. Pollution, climate change, health issues, labor unrest - all of these costs are not being reflected in the price we pay for flat-panel TV's, plastic toys, and cheap clothing shipped to us from the other side of the world.
The Price of a Bargain is a wake-up call. I highly recommend you heed the buzzer and not just hit the snooze button as we have been doing for so long.The Price of a Bargain: The Quest for Cheap and the Death of Globalization Overview

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Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa Review

Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa
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Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa ReviewExcellent book.
Dambisa Moyo was born and raised in Lusaka, Zambia. Her mother is chairwoman of a bank called Indo-Zambia Bank. Her father, the son of a South African mine worker, runs Integrity Foundation, an anti-corruption organization. Moyo is the former Head of Economic Research and Strategy for Sub-Saharan Africa at Goldman Sachs in London, where she worked for eight years. Moyo has also worked at the World Bank in D.C., where she was a co-author of its annual World Development Report.

Moyo is the author of "Dead Aid", an indictment of the foreign aid industry which was released spring 2009. She argues that Western aid to Africa has not only perpetuated poverty but also worsened it. In the book, she calls for all development aid to Africa to be halted within five years because it has brought dependency.

She insists that largely aid has held back Africans. "You get the corruption -- historically, leaders have stolen the money without penalty --and you get the dependency, which kills entrepreneurship. You also disenfranchise African citizens, because the government is beholden to foreign donors and not accountable to its people", she says.

Because they can count on aid, Moyo argues, most sub-Saharan African countries don't even bother to issue bonds. That would require a country's president and cabinet minister to sell their countries to investors. Moyo has a Ph.D. in economics from Oxford University, and her Master's Degree is from Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. In addition, she holds a Bachelor of Science in Chemistry and an MBA in Finance from American University. She lives in London.
Matthew Rees (WSJ March 17, 2009) points out that it is one of the great conundrums of the modern age: More than 300 million people living across the continent of Africa are still mired in poverty after decades of effort -- by the World Bank, foreign governments and charitable organizations -- to lift them out if it. While a few African countries have achieved notable rates of economic growth in recent years, per-capita income in Africa as a whole has inched up only slightly since 1960. In that year, the region's gross domestic product was about equal to that of East Asia. By 2005, East Asia's GDP was five times higher. The total aid package to Africa, over the past 50 years, exceeds $1 trillion. There is far too little to show for it.
Ms Moyo believes aid money pouring into Africa, underwrites brutal and corrupt regimes; stifles investment; and leads to higher rates of poverty -- all of which, in turn, creates a demand for yet more aid. Africa, Ms Moyo notes, seems hopelessly trapped in this spiral, and she wants to see it break free. Over the past 30 years, she says, the most aid-dependent countries in Africa have experienced economic contraction averaging 0.2% a year.
America's policy toward postwar Europe is often cited as the model for African assistance, but Ms. Moyo reminds us that the vaunted Marshall Plan was limited to five years and was focused on reconstructing societies ravaged by war. In Africa, she says, the aid spigot never stops flowing. "There is no incentive for long-term financial planning," she observes, "no reason to seek alternatives to fund development, when all you have to do is sit back and bank the cheques."
Ms Moyo is not alone in asking tough questions about good intentions gone awry. Rwanda's president, Paul Kagame, has said of the $300 billion in aid given to Africa since the 1970s that "there is little to show for it in terms of economic growth and human development." Senegal's president, Abdoulaye Wade, has expressed similar sentiments.
Much of "Dead Aid" outlines an agenda for Africa's economic development, such as expanding its trade and developing its banking sector -- that is, creating a reliable system of credit that will allow individuals to earn interest on their savings and businesses to receive the loans they need to grow. While criticizing outsiders for their misguided ideas, she does not ignore Africa's self-inflicted wounds. She notes there are steep obstacles to doing business there. According to the World Bank, nine of the world's 10 most hostile business environments are in Africa.
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The East Moves West: India, China, and Asia's Growing Presence in the Middle East Review

The East Moves West: India, China, and Asia's Growing Presence in the Middle East
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The East Moves West: India, China, and Asia's Growing Presence in the Middle East ReviewThe is an intriguing study of developing trade patterns in Asia. For a student of ancient and medieval history, this is nothing less than the old silk road trade routes coming back to life after centuries of dormancy. Driving that revival is the return to economic vitality and centrality of India and China - as well as Japan and the smaller Asian economies such as Korea, Thailand and the Philippines. The sense of déjà vu is striking for a historian looking at the "longue duree". However, unlike the commodities traded on the old silk road, the commodities now being traded include energy and resources as well as the supply of services, in particular the provision of major construction and infrastructure projects by Chinese and Indian corporations. Rather than being traversed by dhows and camel trains, super tankers and transcontinental pipelines criss cross the new silk road. The author includes an exhaustive catalogue of commodities and projects supplied by and to the Asian giants - reading something like a latter day Marco Polo's Travels.
The author separately studies India and then China,. A chapter is devoted to Japan, South Korea and Pakistan.In the case of India, the author sees the return of India to an area with which it has historically had close connections, noting that during the period of British rule of India, the British dominated the Middle East from Delhi and and not London. In the case of China, the author recalls the historical journey of the Chinese admiral Zheng He into the Indian Ocean in the fifteenth century and sees something of a return of China to the area.
The study concludes with an examination of various strategic scenarios of how the up and coming powers of Asia will work with and against each other in the Indian Ocean and Middle East, a theme developed more fully by Robert Kaplan in Monsoon. He speculates on how these powers will deal with each other as well the how they may engage with the tense politics of the region, noting that thus far, they have avoided any real involvement in regional issues such as the Arab-Israeli conflict - at least for now. For the West, which has in the last two centuries dominated the Middle East, the question is one of having to adapt to the return to their old areas of influence of the great Asian powers, especially India and China, which in the end may supplant the West in the region.
If however one sees the Middle East as mainly a cockpit for great power rivalry, this may miss something more fundamental that is happening. That is the re-assertion by Middle Eastern powers themselves as players in the game, especially Turkey and Iran as centres of power in their own right - and their ability to make their own destinies regardless of what great powers want, as the recent events in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya demonstrate. Great powers often forget how resourceful and effective smaller powers can be in playing off great powers one against the other, in order to maximise their own room for manoeuvre. China and India may have already forgotten that they themselves once did exactly this during the Cold War in steering a course between the two superpowers of that era. If Western or the newer Asian great powers see the Middle East as just a stage for their own power plays and simply as a treasure house of resources awaiting exploitation, it may be that those who upset the apple cart will be Middle Easterners themselves and not rival great powers. They just could have their own ideas about the proper order of things.
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Can Might Make Rights?: Building the Rule of Law after Military Interventions Review

Can Might Make Rights: Building the Rule of Law after Military Interventions
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Can Might Make Rights: Building the Rule of Law after Military Interventions ReviewThis book comes at a particularily appropriate time. It has become very clear that the administrations of the major powers are operating at the limits of their capabilities in the area of peacemaking after conflict.
It seems that there was a string of what have to be considered real successes: Japan and Germany were out bitter enemies during World War II, yet after the war, what has to be considered enlightened supervision totally changed their governments to democracies reflecting the will of the people and making them good neighbors. South Korea is another example.
Then a series of bloodbaths occurred. Perhaps a hundred wars since then, with perhaps a hundred million people killed. Are we to allow more 'holocausts' in Haiti, Rwanda, and on and on.
This book is the report of law professors in U.S. law schools, but professors with experience on the ground in Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, East Timor, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Iraq. ==These are not subjects that were unknown in our Government before the Iraq/Afthanistan invasions, but the level of the difficulty in establishing working governments certainly seems to have been minimized.
This book is an important contribution to thinking about the problems now being faced in Iraq.Can Might Make Rights: Building the Rule of Law after Military Interventions Overview

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China's Expansion into the Western Hemisphere: Implications for Latin America and the United States Review

China's Expansion into the Western Hemisphere: Implications for Latin America and the United States
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China's Expansion into the Western Hemisphere: Implications for Latin America and the United States ReviewThis volume represents a comprehensive and in-depth look at what is currently known about China's economic and political extensions into the Western Hemisphere. The authors address China's growing economic and political relationship with Latin America in a clear and concise manner. This relationship's relevance to the U.S.'s role in the region is also emphasized throughout.
This is the best book I've found on the complex series of relationships between China, Latin America and the U.S. An easily digestible and inspiring read.China's Expansion into the Western Hemisphere: Implications for Latin America and the United States Overview

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A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia Review

A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia
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A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia ReviewIn his new book, Aaron Friedberg looks at the present and future of Sino-American relations. Friedberg is far less sanguine about the relationship than many other academics are. He criticizes what he considers the mainstream view, which trusts that China will eventually liberalize and argues instead that there is a real possibility of an increasingly dangerous economic and strategic competition between what will undoubtedly be the two most important powers of the twenty-first century. The current economic situation in the United States has increased the likelihood of such competition, according to Friedberg, because it has increased China's self-confidence while weakening American credibility.
There are some areas where I strongly agreed with what Dr. Friedberg had to say but there are others where I believed that he was too alarmist about the threat of China. Friedberg argues in the book that it is time for a serious national debate about China policy. On this point, he is absolutely right. He argues that during the last several years, Washington has focused on the Middle East, North Korea and other issues that demand immediate attention but will not be as important in the grand scheme of world politics as the U.S.-China relationship. Policy makers have also plaid down the possibility of conflict with China because of the perceived need for Beijing's cooperation in the war against terror. Friedberg makes a much-needed call for Washington to increase its focus on the China issue.
I am less persuaded by Friedberg's insistence on the likelihood that China will emerge as a strategic threat. Using translated Chinese documents, Friedberg contends that China's current strategy is to avoid confrontation with the United States while hiding its capabilities and "advancing incrementally" until it is the dominant power in the Asia-Pacific region. To his credit, he is careful on this issue. He does acknowledge that there is a possibility that China will liberalize and claims that if he does, the threat that it poses to the United States would be diminished. But he also raises the prospect of a China that remains authoritarian and seeks to make its influence felt in Asia and around the world. If China takes this route, it is true that it would certainly threaten some of our interests. I agree with him that a more powerful China would increase its influence over the South China Sea and be able to bring Taiwan to terms. Nevertheless, it would be far more difficult for China to threaten and project its power onto America's more significant economic and strategic partners in the Asian region such as India, South Korea and Japan. These nations all have significant economic and military capabilities in their own right and could probably contain China to some degree, even without American assistance. In discussing the balance of power, Friedberg should have taken the capacities of our allies into account. I also think Friedberg exaggerates the degree to which China wants to see American influence removed from the Asian region. China has welcomed the United States as a stabilizing and restraining force in Japan and Korea in the past and will likely continue to do so for the foreseeable future. Even if China remains authoritarian, it will still have many common interests with the United States in Asia.
There are some places where the author has a tendency to give too much background information. In the opening chapter, for instance, he talks about the shift in the global balance of economic power. He did not need to go all the way back to the Middle Ages to do this, however, and much of his historical analysis here feels superficial and is not particularly new or interesting. Friedman's book could also have benefitted from a chapter on economic competition. He only mentions Africa, which is becoming another site of Sino-American conflict a handful of times.
While I have my disagreements with this author, however, there are places where he offers excellent analysis. His substantive chapters on recent Chinese and American policy, the balance of influence and the balance of power are filled with keen insight. He builds on the work of other recent scholars such as Joshua Kurlantzik (The Charm Offensive) to demonstrate how China has tried to improve its image in Asia and augment its soft power, sometimes at the expense of the United States. He also has very good detailed information on the comparative military strengths of the United States and China, showing how the PRC can offset current American advantages with the technologies that it is developing. As an academic and former policymaker, Friedberg does a great job of framing the issues in ways that will be useful both in Washington and in the university. Overall, while I believe that Friedberg sometimes exaggerates the threat posed by China he deserved credit for writing an interesting book that challenges prevailing wisdom.A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia Overview

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